Apply the basic questions of genocide to Kuwait, as discussed in exercise one. What categories of people you believe are most vulnerable to collective acts of violence and why? What can be done to prevent such violence from happening and/or protects vulnerable populations?
What lessons do we learn from the Rwanda genocide and other cases of political violence discussed in class? How would you apply those lessons to preventing conflicts and violence from erupting in Kuwait?
Kuwait is a unique nation because the number of expats to nationals is about one to one, but that’s not all. The population of the expats is also split into Bedou and Hadar. Both these groups are also split into Sunni and Shi’ite. In theory any one of these factions could be vulnerable to attack. However , as for the present , the expats are not in any danger because of their crucial role in Kuwaiti society. The focus then shifts to the Hadar and Bedou , and Sunni and Shi’ite.
ReplyDeleteIn my opinion both conflict between Bedou and Hadar and Sunni and Shi’ite are both plausible realities. The reason for both conflicts being politics, although the reason is the same the form is different.
The Bedou-Hadar conflict would result because of the power struggle within parliament. If one gains the upper hand the other side may become sour and will rise up using all sorts of excuses to justify their hate. The Hadar could say that the Bedou are obsolete, primitive people who are dragging the economy. And on the other hand the Bedou can say that the Hadar are traitorous wannabes who are prostituting themselves to the west.
The Shi’ite-Sunni conflict may arise as a result of loyalty to Kuwait or to Iran. Seeing as Irani spies have been caught in Egypt and Syria, if they were to be caught here this conflict wouldn’t be so far-fetched. Finding Irani spies would cause an uproar, and the first people that would be attacked would be the Shi’ite, then probably the A’ayam (3ayam).
Call me a pessimist but if such events would befall, I don’t see a way to protect the parties under attack, or prevent such actions. The situation is far from sight for now but because this subject is embedded in the roots of each Kuwaiti the only way to prevent such actions would be to breed it out of the next generation.
...but thats just my 2 cents
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Kuwait is home to many people from different religions and ideologies, example we have sunni in two categories moderate sunnies and extremists same goes to the sheea. but now with the new parliament strom break in my concept has changed due to the people included in the storm. sunnis and sheea have long ago lived peacefully together but what happened is that there are the "new comers" who are the people responsible of all whats going on in kuwait. if such an event would happen like genocide it would be hard now to predict the parties involved but if i am force to do so i would say it would be the hathar from all religions like sunnies and sheeas against the beduins because beduins have a tribal loyalty more stronger than the hathars religions loyalty, we see an example with the parliament storming, they want the prime minister to be elected within the people rather from al sabah ruling family while the sheea and sunni are against that. if such a thing would start their is no way anyone can predict who will be victimized due to many variables like will the beduion find foreign tribal aid? or will the sunni sheea unite against them.. its hard to tell but as a basic conflict it would be the hathar vs the bedouins.
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In my opinion, one of the groups who concern me the most is the insanely neglected south Asians working in this country. The South Asian workers symbolize, to me, the unfortunate imparity of Kuwaiti society. They are vital to our society, taking on jobs which no Kuwaiti could see themselves performing, and their reward is to be taken for granted and very often denied their rightly earned wages. I don't mean to imply that the South Asian workers here are persecuted everywhere they go or that Kuwaitis have become a bunch of Nazis, but it is and always has been quite evident that the general Kuwaiti community has resolutely shoved the South Asians towards the bottom of the social hierarchy.
ReplyDeleteThen you have the 'big, bad Bedoons' (those lacking a legitimate, national identity of any sort), who can never seem to win the trust of the Kuwaiti population no matter what they do. The heated and intense debates inspired by the mere mention of the word 'Bedoon' will become all too familiar should you find yourself amongst a group of Kuwaitis. Such 'debates' are known to turn pretty ugly quite rapidly too. In terms of social reputation, the south Asian workers probably don't have it as bad as the Bedoons do. After all, south Asians are, at the very least, accepted LEGALLY into Kuwaiti society, which can't be similarly said for the Bedoons, obviously. However, the issue of Bedoons did not originate due to the absence of an identity. It is the Bedoons' attempts to gain a Kuwaiti one that irks the Kuwaitis.
I see these two groups as sensible representatives of Kuwait's social nature. Both groups have the unfortunate potential of becoming targets of violence, directly and indirectly, though each groups' situation is different, as you would expect. In the case of the South Asians, their vulnerability lies in the insignificance and, admittedly, the conceived 'inferiority', in which the general Kuwaiti community tends to treat them with. I am sure that this is one of the issues that we prefer to sweep under the rug and overlook but let's be honest: there is a bit of an unfortunate established mindset within our society that may imply South Asians to be socially less in rank. Such a judgment is prone to trigger difficulty for South Asians and eventual violence against them. Violence against South Asians, while probable, would not be pointedly perpetrated against them, neither would it be accepted if that were the case, yet it would not be taken and dealt with as seriously as the violence aimed against, say, Kuwaitis. That is my prediction. If Kuwaitis were to be harmed, I am certainly expecting swift and effective action. Do I see similar treatment, let alone similar outrage, were it the South Asians? ... Let's just say that I'm not holding my breath.
...There is no explicit tension between Kuwaitis and South Asians. We do not butt heads with each other nor is there defined animosity between us. South Asians and Kuwaitis, in fact, get along very well with one another. South Asians encompass every corner and aspect of Kuwait, normally leading to mutual ever-growing closeness between Kuwaitis and South Asians. In fact, Kuwaitis, who are not very outsider-friendly, seem to familiarize with South Asians the most. In addition, South Asians are among the most industrious groups in Kuwait, which insists their productivity in Kuwait. However, the lack of tension does not necessarily insinuate social partiality. The tension may be absent but the societal division remains ever-present and clear as the sky. The notions Kuwaitis have of South Asians does not inevitably diminish through friendliness. There is still the nagging perception at the back of our society's mind that as a South Asian, one remains somewhat socially insignificant. Violence gradually stems from this particular indifferent outlook. Apathy may or may not spark hostility, but it certainly maintains it, and in its maintenance, the violence is strengthened. Face it, hostilities against South Asians unfortunately do not arouse, in this society, the same indignation as hostilities against Kuwaitis do. It is reasonable to argue, however, that this lack of concern is a consequence of the infrequency of hostilities against Kuwaitis, rendering such attacks unusual and therefore clarifying the greater outrage behind the incident. South Asians, who generally live in conditions much more unstable, may be expected to be more exposed to instances of austerity. Nevertheless, it is our position in society, our social status, which determines our security, as well as how much unwavering measure will be taken to ensure that security.
ReplyDeleteAs for the Bedoons... this is a case which originated through heavy, and I mean HEAVY, distrust. Unlike the South Asians in Kuwait, Bedoons are potential walking targets of violence. The concern of Bedoons' is political and national, thus intensifying that concern. As I have previously mentioned, Kuwaitis do not traditionally open up to foreigners, not even very well on a social level. That is why Bedoons arouse quite great alarm in most Kuwaitis: because in their eyes, the Bedoon is an outsider trying to become an insider. Being a teeny little country with a teeny little population where non-Kuwaitis outnumber Kuwaitis, Kuwait feels the strong need to preserve and maintain its identity and wants to be able to clearly define itself, its people and culture. This may explain Kuwait's extreme caution and reluctance to contentedly handing out nationalities. Also, Bedoons, who are initially denied rights of every kind, are prone to understandably demonstrate and voice their frustrations, which, consequently, may stir reactions of aggression, in turn, from Kuwaitis.
I'n my opinion womens in kuwait can't express them self as men, because our society control buy men we can said its "men world". For example, Kuwaiti men can marry for women from any nationality and they give for her Kuwaiti nationality easlly, and she can get half of the home for her but for women have to marry Kuwaiti only men. When she marry for non-Kuwaiti men she really safer, She have do a lot of staff and papers yearly just to let her husband and child stay in country. And how society itself against her that she chose someone non Kuwaiti. That all because the law in Kuwait mange by men so women don’t get her real rights to live in place that she feel she is equal with men.S1210
ReplyDeleteAmong other countries of the middle east Kuwait is considered a wealthy and financially stable country reaping mass financial profits from the exportation of oil, its main resource. Due to this factor Kuwait is able to provide and full fill the necessities, needs and wants of its Kuwaiti citizens. It is also able to house a large population of expats, which is a overwhelming majority of the working class. Generally speaking the Kuwaitis acquire benefits which others do not receive allowing them to live a comfortable lifestyle. In my opinion, this is not at all negative every country should serve and by all means provide for its people. However, with rising controversy of the Bedouin this provision of benefits is viewed negatively. The Bedouin are people with essentially no nationality, but many claim themselves to be the true people of Kuwait. Many are demanding the kuwaiti citizenship and all the benefits it encompasses, seeing it as their right to identity.
ReplyDeleteSo what does this have to do with genocide?
I think the Bedouin are the category of people which will be, if ever, most vulnerable to collective acts of violence associated with genocide. they are seen as a people with no identity to Kuwait, very set in their own traditional ways and technologically and socially lagging. Unfortunately the opinion I have witnessed myself is that they are a 'burden' on society, and they just don't belong.
With recent uprisings within other Arab countries there is nothing preventing the Bedouin from pursuing one of their own protests. As recently noted in the parliament break-in riot. I think these acts will continue until something is done to satisfy the people as a whole. But I do not think that this satisfaction will come anytime soon, and for every act against Kuwait or Kuwaitis there will be repercussions. The cycle will just continue between the oppressed and the oppressor.
I don't think there is anything that can really be done to protect this group of people, only to educate this generation on tolerance and understanding of ones need to belong to a community, to have an identity. especially if they may have the right to belong but are denied based on uneven grounds
Despite Kuwait being geographically small the number divisions and sub-divisions within the state are pretty dense, making it plausible for genocide to take place. The plural society is primarily divided up as expats and Kuwaitis; expats making up about 2million of the 3.5million residents. I don’t feel as if expats could be targeted for genocide primarily because the way the Kuwaiti government affirms and re-affirms that the foreigners are visitors in Kuwait making citizenship impossible. Nonetheless, they also make up the bulk of the labor force.
ReplyDeleteKuwaitis are further divided into a9li (original) Kuwaitis, non-a9li (non-original) Kuwaitis and Bidoon. The a9li Kuwaitis were given citizenship a long time ago, so their grandparents and great grandparents were Kuwaiti. Then there are the non-a9li Kuwaitis who were given citizen fairly recently. There isn’t severe social or political distinction between the two. However, the Bidoons are considered stateless Arabs; they live in Kuwait without citizenship but believe themselves to be Kuwaiti. I think this social group is most vulnerable to collective acts of violence and genocide.
Nonetheless, Kuwait is even further divide by religion. Muslims make up about 85% of the population and within that 85% there is division between two types of Muslims: Sunnis, the vast majority, and Shi’as, the minority. Shi’as could also be potentially vulnerable to genocide because they are such a minority but, I personally don’t think so, because they identify themselves more strongly with being Kuwaiti then their religion; plus there isn’t much stigma with intermarriages between sunni and shi’as unlike intermarriages between Kuwaitis and Bidoons.
I feel as if priming has already started in regard to the Bidoons. In reference to Raphael Lemkins various fields of genocide, the bidoons are being singled out and treated differently in almost every aspect mentioned. Politically and economically, the bidoons are not recognized; in addition they receive little, if any, government aid. Socially, there is a stigma associated with being Bidoon and they are geographically isolated in far off places like Jahra. Biologically, there are claims that the Bidoon are not ‘Kuwaiti’ but from different Arab region; that’s irrational and absurd because Kuwait is founded on people from different Arab countries who came together and made Kuwait.
The Bidoons have started rioting and protesting for their right which makes them even more susceptible to genocide as, in addition to not fitting the national identity, they now are seen as disruptive, even pest-like. This creates even clearer distinctions between Kuwaitis and Bidoons, in addition creating more animosity and in some ways stigmatizing the Bidoons as animals and invaders: dehuminising them.
To prevent the potential occurrence of genocide: the government and Kuwaitis need to become more sensitive to the wants of the Bidoon; maybe broaden their national identities to incorporate them, like perhaps possible citizenship. Emphasizing their similarities and diminishing the differences will help prevent, and protect them from, disastrous outcomes.
I decided it would be interesting to apply the 8 Stages of Genocide by Dr. Dr. Gregory Stanton to the categories of people in Kuwait most vulnerable to collective acts of violence: the shi’a & the Bedoon. Stanton outlines eight stages, but classifies six as early warning signs: classification, symbolization, dehumanization, organization, polarization, and preparation. It is seen as significant to the prevention of future genocides to first understand the stages leading up to them. Firstly, with the idea of classification, Kuwait has always classified people. There is no promotion of common identity outside of the national level. If you hold Kuwaiti citizenship you are classified as Kuwaiti, if you do not despite being born here, living here for generations, or identifying as Kuwaiti you are not Kuwaiti. This is sadly what happens with Bedoons. On a religious level, the government officially recognizes only Islam, but more specifically the Sunni sect of Islam. Shi’a religious holidays do occur, but shi’a students or employees are not given official national holidays off whereas all Sunni religious holidays are recognized. There is also a divisive aspect in politics, with Bedoons not gaining any recognition at all politically with no representation in government, no laws protecting them, and no licenses of any kind given out to them. As for the shi’a it is uncommon for subscribers to the shi’a sect to hold seats in parliament, and at times the more extreme sunni viewpoint is voiced instead. Language always fragments and classifies us, with the Bedoon sometimes using dialects that is not recognized by the majority as “Kuwaiti.” To prevent any violence and protect these minority groups we should begin by recognizing their religious holidays, giving them a voice in government, and assessing the Bedoons for citizenship as opposed to ignoring the issue (an entire 80,000 strong population) as if it will soon go away. Secondly, the idea of symbolization which is perhaps the most obvious of the warning signs. We hve ethnic, religious, racial and national identities written out on ID cards, our civil IDs, as well as on our passports. The fact that a Bedoon cannot hold these two things first excludes them from recognition in society, and second gives them the same social standing as a ghost may have: they are non-existent and therefore have no rights to the welfare rights Kuwaitis have to healthcare, education, etc. Thankfully, sects of Islam are not written on ID cards, but they need not be. A persons last name usually eludes to what their sect may be, and one look at ones civil ID will tell you all you need to know about them. We also symbolize the Bedoon’s as stateless by calling them “Bedoon” which literally translates into “without.” This act of symbolizing them through a single word further distances the idea of humanity from their presence in Kuwait. To prevent violence here we must revise the idea of civil IDs, perhaps removing identification aspects that reveal private matters such as religious preference. In the case of the bedoons, we must find a way to include them in areas they are entitled to having after living here for so long. Namely, a proper education, the ability to own a license to drive, and proper healthcare. Allowing them to take action against the government, such as sueing for their rights, is also a necessary step.
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Thirdly, the idea of dehumanization comes into play. We are guilty of this in Kuwait. We have turned the Bedoons into a peoples who are out to steal Kuwaits money, and other Kuwaitis benefits. When speaking of them some people refer to them as disgusting and vile. This troubles me the most out of all of the categories. This category makes people into killable “creatures” by making it seem like they are threatening out cushy lifestyle. This also occurs against the shi’a, who are accused of their loyalty residing with Iran and are “not to be trusted” with the fate of Kuwait, or with protecting other Kuwaitis. Here, it is as if people are being provoked to kill them before they kill you (that being the extreme case). I’m not sure what can be done to prevent this. These sentiments run deep in Kuwait, and reversing years of this kind of brainwashing may be near impossible. The only thing I can think of that would aide this would begin with how our generation chooses to raise their children: without these hateful sentiments towards a fellow human being. Perhaps appealing to the religious side of all Kuwaitis by bringing forth a religious cleric to speak about how against Islam it is to hate another would change peoples opinions, but that’s doubtful. Fourthly, organization, which I do not see applying to Kuwait. We have laws against organized hate crime and there have been instances where people have been prosecuted for participating in them. Fifth is polarization, which has happened in Kuwait but not to an extreme. People have polarized Kuwaiti citizens against Bedoons with rumors about them being responsible for hate crimes against the parliament, for owning other passports to GCC countries but dropping them to gain the much “better” Kuwaiti citizenship which gives more money to its citizens etc. Rumors here have more weight than anywhere I have ever seen, and people take them as absolute fact as opposed to hearsay. If I knew what could be done to prevent it, I’d do it myself. However, it’s not that easy to stop people from spreading knowledge with no basis. The only thing we could do to prevent violence from happening here would be to counteract rumors with solid evidence released either by a trustworthy religious cleric or nothing at all. Religion here holds weight. If a religious cleric says it, then it “must” be true as his honor and place in Heaven is at stake. Lastly, the sixth category, is preparation. According to Stanton preparation includes actions like: “Weapons for killing are stock-piled. Extermination camps are even built. This build- up of killing capacity is a major step towards actual genocide” and I cannot say this has happened in Kuwait. However Stanton also says “Victims are separated because of their ethnic or religious identity” and we have most certainly separated the Bedoon into an area of Kuwait that resembles a shanty-town.
ReplyDeleteIn conclusion I believe we are more prepared for a genocide than we want to believe. We all would like to think we’re civilized and we can never be driven to such atrocities but no one can ever put trust in what they believe a human being is and is not capable of.
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In order for acts of genocide to take place, a series of mini events need to lead to a build up. It was Leo Kuper who stated that in order for genocide to occur, there must be a series of historical events that lead to the crimes of killing. I believe that in Kuwait genocide would occur between the Bedu and the Hathar or between the Suni and Shia’a Sects. These are the two main groups, which have developed slight growing tension among the years, which may eventually lead to genocide. However, genocide will only occur if these tensions were pushed and pressured to become bigger problems and issues. These tensions may be triggered by many factors. Sometimes members of parliaments may have different intentions for the country. Other times, protestors are riots may erupt and cause chaos. However, genocide does not happen overnight. It is a long and gradual process that develops over time. One could say that in a few decades, genocide will be believable in Kuwait. A simple way of demolishing any potential genocide acts between the Bedu and the Hathar would be to give all the Bedu Kuwaiti citizenship. That way, there is no reason for any disputes or arguments to evolve between these two groups. As for the two sects, one would hope that adults and society instill unity and harmony among the young citizens of Kuwait in order to annihilate any chance of discrimination in the future, which is always a starting point for genocide
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Kuwait is one of the wealthiest countries in the Middle East. Every Kuwaiti citizen is capable thanks to the government to live under a safe roof. But the problem in Kuwait is that we categories ourselves into different groups. Even though were all Kuwaiti we differentiate between Bedouin and hathar.
ReplyDeleteThe problem here is that the Bedouins see the hathar the people who the people with no identity, yet the hathar also see the Bedouins the same way. So deciding who’s most vulnerable to collective acts of genocide is a very personal opinion in this case.
Today the Bedouins are overtaking Kuwait. So the Hathar in my opinion are the most vulnerable to collective acts of violence and genocide. They are seen as the group of people who let go of their traditions and became westernized. The Bedouins want to take over the country and see the Hathar as people who are corrupting Kuwait and causing bad influence to the new generation.
In addition, this event came up right on time for this post what happened last week in the parliament and what happened. The majority who entered the parliament were Bedouins they were the ones who weren’t satisfied with what the majority are doing to the country.
There is nothing we can to solve such problems since the day I was born we have been suffering I think one thing that might “lessen” this thing is diverse education.
Kuwait is one of the wealthiest countries in the Middle East. Every Kuwaiti citizen is capable thanks to the government to live under a safe roof. But the problem in Kuwait is that we categories ourselves into different groups. Even though were all Kuwaiti we differentiate between Bedouin and hathar.
ReplyDeleteThe problem here is that the Bedouins see the hathar the people who the people with no identity, yet the hathar also see the Bedouins the same way. So deciding who’s most vulnerable to collective acts of genocide is a very personal opinion in this case.
Today the Bedouins are overtaking Kuwait. So the Hathar in my opinion are the most vulnerable to collective acts of violence and genocide. They are seen as the group of people who let go of their traditions and became westernized. The Bedouins want to take over the country and see the Hathar as people who are corrupting Kuwait and causing bad influence to the new generation.
In addition, this event came up right on time for this post what happened last week in the parliament and what happened. The majority who entered the parliament were Bedouins they were the ones who weren’t satisfied with what the majority are doing to the country.
There is nothing we can to solve such problems since the day I was born we have been suffering I think one thing that might “lessen” this thing is diverse education.
shahad al amir 10581
Leo Kuper identified genocide as a process rather than theological phenomena, Hinton builds on that by introducing the concept of “genocidal priming”; in which a process in which primes conjoin increasing the likelihood of genocide. In a country with diverse population, nationality; which is the basis for access to state welfare; is the main differentiating factor. The nationality law is aim to exclude “Others” from the realm of kuwaitiness. Creating division within Kuwaiti population, categorizing them from 1st class citizens with rights to vote and full access to state welfare, to 7th and 8th class Kuwaitis, with gradual withdrawal of basic citizenship rights including restrictions on financial contracts and civil associations. Thus creating a state of “US” –the “original” inhabitants of Kuwaiti, worthy of its extensive welfare system- and “them” who ever falls outside of this category. The “Other” might be Kuwaitis of 6th or 7th class nationality, the expats populations or the bedoon.
ReplyDeleteThe expats community, which constitute well over 2/3 of the Kuwaiti population faces tremendous constrain of their basic rights as human beings. As government handed over the legal jurisdiction over to the Kuwaiti individuals through the “kafeel” system, any power to negotiate and appeal by the foreign population was removed as the sponsor became his or her legal guardian in which all legal transactions and movement is done only through him. Taking into account that the domestic workers as well don’t not fall into the Kuwaiti labor law, it seems that the marginal labor in general and domestic workers in specific are a vulnerable population in which acts of structural and physical violence can and do occur on a regular basis.
This population is however not, in my onion, a main target for genocide. This valuable population is part of a global system in which the host and sender country are both implicated, thus any acts of genocide or mass violence means being an answerable to a wider repercussions. A population that is connected to the international community, by the sheer virtue of their lack of national identity are the beddon. The beddon population are perhaps the most valuable t genocide of all groups in Kuwait due to their lack of negotiating power and their social and spatial exclusion. A “non-citizen” cannot challenge the state. Seen as possible spies and traitors, many beddon are pushed away and relegated to outskirts of Kuwaiti, away from the eyes of Kuwait, an image of a man sneaking through the boarders to Kuwait with aim of “taking what is not his” and “draining the wealth of Kuwait”. The image is what is popularize in daily exchanges and in political discourses. The lack of basic documents, living in shantytown in an oil rich country, lack of access to medical treatment and education in addition to physical and structural violence towards the bedoon, especially beddon women, is rarely acknowledged. The conditions of the beddon draws a textbook example of Kuper “priming” is conducted; 1)deep structural division: bedoon are pushed to margins spatially and socially thus creating a lack of attachment or connection between the Kuwaiti population and the beddoon, 2) identifiable victim group: perhaps the lack of identification documents is the most identifying and dehumanizing factor 3) legitimizing ideology of hate: the insert of the word bedoon in every situation in which there is social, political and economic instability in Kuwait builds the idea that they are “a problem population” in which its eradiation might be the last and most effective solution 4) breakdown of moral restrain: as the bedoon fall out of the realm of kuwaitiness and are not protected by other nations, acts of mass and structural violence is bound to occur; lacking access to adequate education and jobs many turn into “illegal” acts to make a living.
ReplyDeleteI believe that acts of valance and possible genocidal priming have already taken place against the beddon, perhaps the only means of prevention is awareness which begins with reintegrating the bedoon population, spatially, back into the inner areas of Kuwait, possible interactions, albeit negative ones, will paint a more human images of the bedoon population that which includes exclusion in everyday life as well as a family. Bringing the issue of nationality and citizenship law back into discussion and making the public have more say of “who is kuwaiti” is perhaps another means of slowing down this process of priming
The category of people that I believe who are vulnerable to collective acts of violence are the Kuwaiti’s who are the victims of the Iraq invasion during the Persian Gulf War. The reason is why the Iraqi soldiers invaded Kuwait because their leader Saddam Hussein has threatened to turn Kuwait city into a graveyard.
ReplyDeleteThe main cause for the conflict was the over production of oil which caused Iraq to lost a lot of revenue and it saw the only way to solve it problem was to invade Kuwait. The overproduction of oil was the trigger that caused the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait.
It’s the same as Rwanda genocide; the perpetrators define themselves as superiors and blood thirsty machine that kills everything in their way but as for victims which are referred as “inferior”. As you can see where they destroyed buildings and everything has been stolen
Many Kuwaiti civilians and immigrants (from different background, race and ethnicity) lived in fear and forced themselves not to go to work in order to hide from their attackers because they cannot fight back or protect themselves from danger. The perpetrators barged into civilians or resident’s house then drags them out into the streets and have been taken as a hostages or imprison them into isolated place where they can torture their victims by using different types of tools.
For example, many men and children were killed or abused in front of their families while women are been raped or forced to move out of their homes and lived on streets like stray animals such as dogs.
I chose this category the invasion because all Kuwaiti’s still live in pain and suffered from the war and most which they never forget their loved ones
The solution to prevent those events from happening and to protect this country is know everything about the past where you can teach Wed 4455